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Over and over again
we find in the accounts of an historical process the need to work around or
explain the existence of the eonic effect
as if in disguise, in the form of a
consideration of the cyclical nature of the
long-term emergence of a process or cultural evolute. The case of science and democracy are two
examples. More specifically, author after author is forced to begin his
discussion of origins in the period of the early Greeks, continue his account
for the duration of this period, and then, without notice, jump to the modern
world to complete the ‘evolutionary’ account of this process or historical
sequence. We should note, having invoked the Darwin
debate, that the ‘evolution of evolutionism’ also shows this double emergentism,
witness the birth of the idea of evolution, not first with
Darwin, but with the Greeks. Notice the timing of all of
this.[i]
In general, the most striking example of this perception,
finally explicit, and one that is driven to an attempt to wrestle with a ‘law of
evolution’, whether successfully or not, is Arthur Koestler’s
The Sleepwalkers, an account
of the rise of science, or more particularly, the physical and cosmological
sciences, whose
history fits over the eonic effect like a glove. It is a fact that every history
of science must reckon with. Less frequent than it used to be, denigration of
the Middle Ages explains nothing, indeed
omits the not inconsiderable developments in this deep source. But there is a
clear discontinuity in any account of the rise of science.[ii]
Koestler’s account, notwithstanding its ‘debunking of
medieval darkness’, is interesting for its extremely stylized outline of this
pattern, and one whose particulars we do not necessarily need to accept, as it
begins with the ‘heroic age’ of the Ionian Greeks, finds a ‘dark interlude’ in
the period of the Middle Ages, and resumes its discussion in the sixteenth
century with Copernicus and the ‘watershed’ era on its heels in the seventeenth
century with Kepler, Galileo, and finally Newton. This pattern is evident in
almost any history of science, and is not contradicted by the tremendously
important alternate view that there were important prior developments in the
Middle Ages. But it is useful to accept the broad pattern to see it for what it
is, the more so as its obvious correlation with so many other parallel
developments in the rise of modernism
show that the phenomenon is not a fluke,
and has nothing to do with science.
The pattern can be extended backwards, in this as in so
many other cases, to include the period of the rise of proto-science in the
Mesopotamian and Egyptian periods, although
here we do not see the critical period near the beginning, ca. –3300 onward, and
cannot distinguish the earlier and later growth of this pre-science. But we can
easily find the fall-off and gap in other aspects of culture in the period –2000
to –900. But the sudden discontinuity occurs twice, first among the Greeks, most
notably, and then in modern Europe, both fringe
areas for their time. The overall suggestion is of a recurrent emergence
phenomenon.
This cyclical structure in the
history of science
itself is only one, but one of the most
notable, examples of the actual discrete evolutionary process in action in the
realm of human civilization, and its artifacts of science, philosophy and art.
As Koestler notes, the creative rise of Greek science that had started ca. –600
as a ‘Promethean venture’, had, by the end of the third century B.C., completed
its most creative phase, losing its reputation as it began to fall into decline,
to the point of being almost forgotten, for a millennium and a half. In his
words, there is only one step from Archimedes to Galileo. He gives the image of a destroyed bridge with rafters
jutting out from both ends, with a void in between. His explanation of this
distressing gap is partisan, quite understandably and quite forgivably, to the
viewpoint of the rise of science, and sees the cause in the ‘breakdown of
civilization’ in the Middle Ages, and in the distinction of spiritual and
material as such, the retreat from material considerations in the religious
medievalism whose dominant outcome seems so surprising after the brief surge of
progressive culture in the transitional era of the classical Greeks.
One difficulty with Koestler’s account is the thesis, so
frequent in the many accounts of medievalism, of a ‘breakdown of civilization
’ where there was none to break down, the fringe area of Gaul, Germania, and
northern Europe having been relatively marginal
throughout the classical era. It is the
breakdown of the classical period in its own area that cannot be confused with
the fringe growth emergence of the European. The history of science
allows no geographical component, and yet tempts us to avail of its implicit
assumptions, in seeing the rise of science from medieval technology, or such. In
fact, we see a process that is periodic, and not only this, but in different
places, at different periods. This point may seem debatable, but the fact is
that the zone of the first advance and the resumption of advance are two
completely different cultural geographical zones that we connect with an
abstraction: ‘Western Civilization’, a strange entity with no easy map, for it
refers to a tradition, or temporal baton effect, that passes through the Islamic
world to maintain its continuity.
The second comment one can make is that the distinction of
the material and the spiritual is not really the issue. We will see that this
distinction applies reasonably well to the Greeks, but not to the creative
period of the Persians and the Israelites, nearby, to say nothing of the Indian
and Chinese Enlightenments occurring simultaneously. The issue of the decline of
science is seen to be far more complex than the passage from worldliness to
otherworldliness, although these express very well ‘symptoms’, to the partisan,
of the phenomenon. For the same phenomenon of falloff is evident in what would
be considered spiritual phenomena also. If we compare the period of Buddhism
and Jainism at their birth with that of
the Vedantic Hinduism of the
India
n medieval period, we could well wonder what
is going on. What is a middle age?
It is in the epilogue to
The Sleepwalkers, that Koestler, a well-known
Darwinian critic, begins to really consider, somewhat more cogently, what is
really involved in this long cyclicity of the ‘spiral,
or jump-start emergence’ of science. Seeing that the model of continuous
progress in the development of scientific knowledge will not work, he notes,
“There occur in biological evolution
periods of crisis and transition
when there is a rapid, almost explosive
branching out in all directions, often resulting in a radical change in the
dominant trend of development.” And then he notes that this process seems
evident in the evolution of thought in the period near the sixth century B. C.
and the seventeenth A.D. This perception of two steps in a sequence should of
course drive us to consider the question, for which we do not have sufficient
data to really answer, of the early period of Sumerian civilization in relation
to the rise of ‘proto-science’. It is there, but we do not perhaps recognize it
for what is was, not yet recognizably the form of science as we know it, with
elements of writing, commercial reckoning, astronomy, socio-religious politics,
and divination mixed together as the political mythology of the first forms of
the state.
[i]
Cf. C. Leon Harris, Evolution: Genesis and Revelations,
Albany: State
University
of New York, 1981.
For the historiography of the ‘scientific revolution’, cf. A. Rupert
Hall, The Revolution in Science, 1500-1750 (New York: Longman,
1983), I. Bernard Cohen, Revolution in Science (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1985), H. Floris Cohen, The Scientific
Revolution: A Historiographical Enquiry (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1994).
[ii]
Arthur Koestler, The Sleepwalkers
(New York: MacMillan, 1968).
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