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The onset of the French Revolution
deserves as much as any date in history, beside the more glorious flagship
American onset from 1776, the importance that has risen around it, as the period
that initiated a shockwave of modernizing change that was national, then
continental, and then global in nature, and whose cornucopia of diffusing
consequences is still with us. That it was directly influenced from the fringe
by the American revolution in its virgin open spaces is itself significant, and
it was therefore a subtle recursion, in the broadest sense, of the experience of
the English Civil War, and its aftermath, the Glorious Revolution of 1688,
against a backdrop of the rising liberalism and deeper underground radicalism
generated from the philosophic, scientific, and revolutionary experiences of the
English.
In the prismatic view of
Dickens
, it was the ‘best of times, the worst of
times...’ When asked what he thought was the significance of the French
revolution, the Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai
is said
to have answered, “It’s too soon to tell”.[i] The era invokes a field of potential, against
which relative free action
passes
between hypothetical eonic determination
, and the realizations of new forms of
society. Francois Furet, the historian of the French Revolution and its
ideological history, has declared that the ‘Revolution is over’. It is also true
that the Revolution has been repeatedly been declared over, from almost its
first phases, and continually spills over into future incidents, 1830, 1848, and
finally the Russian Revolution. Perhaps what is not ‘over’ is the lesson
learned, after so much passivity, that man must make himself, and not endure the
posture of civil or religious slavery
. Between the American and the French
Revolutions we see the spectrum of historical dynamic pass from Freedom to its
reality, cost, and full-scale imposition against inertia, in the drama of
Equality, the price of freedom, and a field of change pass from its radicals to
its conservatives. The note comes due. Every aspect and stage here has already
been prefigured, seminally, in the English Civil War.
The American Revolution
seems like a kind of ‘butterfly effect’, a small-scale effect provoking larger
and enduring consequences. Note that the endless debates over revolution are
really about the intractable nature of simple changes, the French and especially
the Russian being the obvious examples, compared to the American. It is all very
well to denounce Rousseau and Robespierre but if such an immense convulsion
echoing the American example failed to produce a republic these critics are
really saying that freedom is impossible or utopian, and that we should, a la
de Maistre, revert to primitive systems of barbarous ages past. Let us note at
least that our system, upon full study, will be seen to adopt a shotgun approach
and the total net effect of democratization springs as much from sources having
nothing to do with the French Revolution. So therefore not everything, indeed
not much at all, rides on the brief reign of Robespierre, whose failure seems to
be grounds for every reactionary sermon delivered up to those who wouldn’t dream
of surrendering their own benefits. The classic example here is abolition, about
which Enlightenment thinkers were a bit ‘sluggish’, the job done by the epigones
of our to-be-secularized Protestant Reformation.
The myth of slow evolutionary change is
not here concordant with the facts, and, Burke notwithstanding, our system
explodes because change is thwarted even as the American system has set sail
(albeit without dealing with abolition). It is a ‘now or never point’ relative
to world history. Thus the conditions of the American version were obviously
quite exceptional. And the American is the more remarkable for showing the ‘what
might have been’ with respect to much modern confusion. If we consider the
Decembrists in Russia,
and the immense delay in the Russian case, we would do well to lay the violence
of revolution as well at the feet of hopelessly muddled reactionaries.
In the final analysis
these three revolutions, English, American, French (and what of the early German
version in 1625?) are one and the same, and pass into 1848, the business too obviously still
incomplete, as the tide climaxes and begins to recede, leaving the ghoulish
Russian experiment stranded, with an historical expectation about ‘revolution’
that played them false. Just here we see the drama of ‘permanent revolution’
beginning, and a distinction is essential, between historical process claimed as
revolution, and the free activity to create one based on memory, a fatal danger.
Beside the late failure of the Russian Revolution, we see the issue of modernism
computed against the incidents of its success or failure, and find that,
relative to 1500-1800, history successfully reaches a new plateau, whatever the
outcome of its particular incidents.
Our three centuries since Luther cover
immense ground, but we can see the clear unity, as the ‘real Revolution’, by
nature’s method. Behind this unity we can as well see the deeper disunity, and
catch the mechanism as what we suspect, small scale influences defeating the
large, the sourcing of the American system at the fringes being a classic
example. And the climax of our period of transition is spectacular, as the
economic and democratic revolutions sweep the field in the last generation of
the eighteenth century, and then cross a mysterious divide ca. 1800 into a
period of relative stabilization. But these are, probably, already relatively
contingent outcomes in a process that was complete at the time of the Thirty
Years War.[ii]
After the experience of the Russian
revolution the rejection of revolution as a process has become the dominant
viewpoint. But the issue of ‘revolution’ is fundamental, whatever we think,
because the slow evolution of society would never, by incremental change, given
human nature and its obsession to dominate and enslave, to say nothing of the
clear evidence that long term history keeps getting stuck, have produced the
forms of modern freedom, democracy
, or even economic development. Only a small
fringe area at the boundary of Eurasia seems to
have been able to break out of the system of antiquity. But we can grant the
point of skepticism to see that revolutions aren’t to be had for the asking, and
don’t just come about from audacity.
The point is simply that
man as man simply will not, because the record of history shows that he will
not, grant freedom to his fellow man. And the great achievements of freedom show
initial bursts of eonic determination. There is a mysterious ‘something else’
involved in the appearance of democracy.
[i]
Simon Schama, Citizens (New
York: Knopf, 1989), p. xiii.
[ii]
W. Doyle, The French Revolution: Bibliography of Works in English.
(1988). R.R. Palmer, The Age of
Democratic Revolutions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964)
Geoffrey Best (ed.), Permanent
Revolution (Chicago: Chicago, 1989), Norman Hampson,
A Social History of the French
Revolution (1963), Francois Furet,
Interpreting the French Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1981), and Marx and the French Revolution (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1988), “Practical Reason in the Revolution:
Kant’s Dialogue with the Revolution”, in Ferenc Feher, The French
Revolution and the Birth of Modernity (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1990).
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