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Our model produces a strange result, at first sight:
capitalism is not a stage of history. It is ironic we arrive at this Marxian
echo via a critique of Marx, with none of the vexed issues that forever obscure
the insights of this challenger of reigning ideology. Such an insight might as
well be a tenet of liberalism, and we note that liberal culture struggled
mightily to balance its limits in the hybrid social democratic experiments.
In our model, we can spot the problem at once, because we
can see that capitalism ceases
to have macrodynamic status. We may indifferently say that capitalism,
empirically but not theoretically, is a de facto stage of history
(because it happened that way) or a cream puff overamped by the eonic sequence,
which remorphs what it finds already in its direct path. Any other approach is
tantamount to surrender to the egregious mechanized ‘alienation’ that, taken
seriously, would rapidly undo the very economic system in question. These
systems require intelligent choices at all points, and threaten to degenerate
almost immediately into ideologically induced chaos. If the system goes out of
control then intervention is required.
Ecological disaster? The danger of ‘alienation’ inside an ideology of market laws is dangerous,
and conceals a teleological delusion. The unrestricted play of humanly created
market laws left on auto-pilot threatens all at once to consume a whole planet.
At some point you have to step off the merry-go-round.
A market ideologist should rightly claim something for the
inherent economic efficacy of such a new economic formation, and produce a
plug-in component for our incomplete account. But, to restate Marx’s point in
our terms, economic evolution does not represent general evolution, and sooner
or later its divergence from eonic sequence will produce distortion.
Unfortunately such a statement only applies to millennia. It is thus not
surprising that great tension arises at once in the unexpected outcome of
classical liberalism. The idea of ‘market laws’ all sufficient to generate
cultural evolution in all forms, or as the final arbiter of historical outcomes,
has turned into a fetish of theory buttressed by mathematical fantasies.
Capitalism rendered into social evolution via Darwinism and
the economic interpretation of history is a theoretical mismatch that has
completely misled all thinking. A post-Darwinian liberalism ought without delay
to rethink its scripts, for an immense counterattack is already underway against
all this taken as defining modernity. It is a complete botch of a subject. Why
overstress this system designed to produce integration with cockeyed junk
theories of evolution, with the egregious infection of Social Darwinism,
theories clearly downshifting from the deeper content of the idea’s rebirth,
just near our divide? Lamarck had it right the fist time, with a two level
theory.
As to economics, but not evolution, we have but to see the
potential ideal, as freedom realization, in the classical liberalism of such as
Adam Smith, Thomas Paine, and Immanuel Kant, which lasted only a generation, in
its climax almost exactly at our divide, to remind ourselves of the difference
between eonic determination and free action at work, as the system devolves
almost instantly to the regime of economic hyenas denounced by Marx. The future
of this system is not predicted by our model, but we can see that the failure of
abolition
at the
founding climax of the American version of democracy proves the necessity of
mideonic course corrections, a perilous voyage as the American Civil War makes
clear. These botched initial conditions make the rise of the left
comprehensible, and inevitable. In any case we are confused by the overlay of
eonic sequence and econosequence.
Our eonic system has a problem. It is like trying to
distribute a general good via an army of looters. The results are mixed at best!
Our European underdog springing from the fringes of Eurasia
is soon an exploiter, and the list of crippled development zones soon grows
tragically long. The missionary is soon the imperialist, and that notable New
Man of modernity, the economic hyena of global capital is handed an ace of
almost unlimited power, rapidly reducing the liberal infrastructure to his
demands. After the whole deliberations of ‘right’ and balanced power in the new
politics the whole system ends up in the hands of a fourth branch of government,
the capitalists.
These two levels give us an insight into the confusions of
‘revolution’ with evolutionary thinking. We can clearly see the revolutionary
character in some sense of our transitions, but the phenomenon of the modern
revolution is more restricted and arises with a particularity that is
subordinate to the greater generality of the eonic sequence. We have but to see
the emergentism of the first great States in the first to see that our
transitions are unique phases of development, and creative incidents, its
successors possibly reacting against the starting point. Great confusion arises
here because the modern left confuses these two levels distinct in our thesis,
and assumes that the ignition of change via a revolutionary transformation of
regime will also produce the new culture of the future to go with it.
We can see, however, that while our transitions are
revolutionary, they are not the same as ‘revolutions’. But the many revolutions
of this transition are suddenly seen, against the backdrop of long stabilizing
centuries, as though breaking the flow of continuity whose sluggish ‘probable
future’ is being preempted. We see why the analysis, by causal explanation, of
‘revolution’ is destined to fail, for the phenomenon is conditioned by eonic
determination, yet must realize itself as free action, in the opportunity of
Freedom. And yet the passage is made, and the convulsions timed to our
transition and divide explode against the inertia of antiquity. It would be easy
to take the achievement of freedom for granted and forget the brief launch
window, closing if not closed, that we have seen as characteristic in the
pattern of complex diffusion and renewal. The issue was resolved therefore by
our implicit suspicion, our Freedom argument, that emerging freedom shows eonic
determination in the evolutionary eonic sequence, a severe caution to easy
assumptions about the efficacy of free action in the post transitional period.
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