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Historical research has greatly expanded our knowledge of
world history, and the result is an unexpected discovery: that of a process of
universal history in the action of a mysterious dynamic generating a non-random
pattern. We call this the eonic effect. Further, the scale
of this process is such that we can only call it ‘evolution’. Thus, for the
first time we can detect the unmistakable evidence of non-random evolution, and
this in world history itself. This leaves us with the question, What is
evolution? And this forces another, long overdue, What is the relationship
between history and evolution? This could be recast as the paradoxical question,
When did evolution stop and history begin?
A moment’s reflection will tell us that no instantaneous
passage between the two is plausible and that our terms have been left ragged.
We must, by this logic, be able to detect a Transition between evolution and
history. Can we find evidence to match this deduction? Indeed, we can, our
non-random pattern, the eonic effect. In fact we can say more: if we apply that
same logic to our Transition we should expect it to take the form of a series of
transitions in an alternation between evolution and history, as if overlayed,
the one emerging from the other. The eonic effect shows just this property of
transitions in a series. Have we reached the end of the Great Transition? If
not, then our evolution still constitutes our present and future. We should ask
who man is, with such wisdom as would constitute achievement of the title,
homo sapiens.
Our thinking is conditioned by Darwinism, which throws
‘evolution’ into the past, with a tacit set of assumptions about random
evolution. The result is an enforced incoherence. This is often matched with a
prejudice against any consideration of a science of history in the large, and/or
any attempt using the philosophy of history to seek historical meaning. A
further critique of the idea of universal history comes from the postmodern
rejection of the Grand Narrative
.
In this context the status of a science of history is
ambiguous, as the philosopher Karl Popper
in his critique of historicism
insisted, with his rejection of the idea
that history has meaning. Yet as the labors of archaeological research proceed a
falsification of this perspective emerges. Karl Popper was wrong: history has
meaning, and we can discover large-scale coherence in its unfolding. It is hard
to break the habit of thinking universal histories have all been discredited.
Suddenly we see the existence of a world system, but this requires looking
beyond individual civilizations to the whole phenomenon of Civilization since
the Neolithic.[i]
As we proceed in search of history we will discover an
irony, which is that we will find evolution in history, and then history in
evolution, and this will give us an insight into the descent of man. We must
move beyond the myth of purely genetic evolution, and the fixation on natural
selection. We can recalibrate our definition of ‘evolution’ to include man’s
past, present, and future, with a new kind of model that can carefully define
the nature of our evolving freedom.
The evolution of man is, and remains, a complete mystery.
There is something almost mythological in the projection of Darwinian scenarios
of natural selection onto the Paleolithic. Such
evidence as we have is mostly that of skeletal remains, highly incomplete, of a
series of hominids stretched over millions of years. Dogmatism in such a
situation takes on an almost religious character in Darwinists. In the midst of
this void of hard information we are to believe that all the complex functions
of the human advance are to be ascribed to processes of natural selection and
adaptation. Such claims, pressed into service for metaphysical conclusions, are
weak in their evidentiary basis. In contradiction to this, flagrantly out in the
open, is the evidence of a Great Explosion
in the period around 50,000 B.C. As if
crossing a threshold homo sapiens
suddenly begins to leave traces of all the forms of higher culture that are
characteristic of man as we find him in history. The suddenness and depth of
this rapid passage, if we can trust the data, call out for explanation beyond
the standard and very vague claims of mysterious mutations. This is really a
question of what we mean by ‘macroevolution’, as opposed to
‘microevolution’. Is not Darwin’s
theory really one of microevolution? The problem is that observing anything that
resembles macroevolution demands a very detailed record of evolutionary
sequences, and this invokes a crisis of correct observation.
We are ready to take a look at the evidence for non-random
evolution in history itself, mindful of
the distinctions we think we should or should not make between cultural and
biological evolution. There is an irony to our views of evolution. We look to
deep time to find the answers to our quest to understand evolution, and yet we
have very little data to conclude anything. We then apply that thinking to
history, and yet here we have what is really a far more detailed record, seen at
close range. We fail to suspect the fallacy here, or that history itself shows
the direct evidence of evolution.
In the Introduction, after a look at the Old Testament in
the light of Biblical Criticism
, we will examine the intractable
Darwin
debate, the problems with Darwinism, and the theory of natural selection.
The rise of the Intelligent Design movement has further confused the issue, as
the basic critique of of Darwinism is coopted by religious groups pursuing their
own agenda. The metaphysics of design distracts thinking from the basic issues:
the rightness of evolution and the limits of natural selection. This question is
one of secular science, and is not resolved by the injection of stealth theism.
Although our perspective is secular, our enquiry is a multi-dimensional search
for answers, and not the imposition of a single perspective. We will simply
bypass the sterile debate of theists and atheists.
There is something preposterous in the claims for universal
explanation using the sole principle of natural selection. The inability of
Darwin’s theory to explain the
emergence of consciousness, let alone the complexities of an ethical agent, has
been noted since the first reviewers of
Darwin. There is a suspicious resemblance to the ideology
of classical liberalism
in the whole claim. The basic problem is
a failure to apply scientific standards at the limits of observation. Truly
observing evolution is very difficult, and the hints of something called
‘punctuated equilibrium’ suggest the presence of a missing factor. These
difficulties were acknowledged by the co-founder of selectionist theory, Alfred
Wallace, who broke with Darwin on the issue of the
descent of man. Indeed, an entire component of human evolutionary psychology,
visible in the Buddha phenomenon, is never even addressed in the standard theory
of Darwin.
We conclude the Introduction with a look at the classic
critique of metaphysics by the philosopher Kant, whose warning that a dialectic
of illusion in the discourses of
divinity, soul, and free will precipitate the deadends of rationalism and
empiricism, virtually sums up the
Darwin
debate at a glance. Kant’s place next to
Newton
in the emergence of science is often thought of as a conflict of science and
philosophy, but Newtonian metaphysics was itself corrected with the Kantian
deliberation on causality and freedom, as if to project the future of a science
of freedom. And yet an amnesiac positivistic scientism has moved to hijack the
Scientific Revolution
in the promotion of a theory with an
ominous component of Social Darwinism.
In Chapter Two we present the evidence for a non-random
pattern in world history, the eonic effect, and then connect the ideas of
history and evolution. It is strange that we assume the unseen vistas of deep
time to be the domain of random evolution while world history, since the
invention of writing, fails the randomness test. Two non-random patterns in one,
parallel and sequential, the data of the Axial Age
and the unmistakable progression of an
intermittent macro dynamic or driver, the pattern of the eonic effect, can be
seen as a series of discrete transitions and show an almost canonical instance
of what we can only call ‘punctuated equilibrium’, if we can rescue the term
from its current genetic definition. Darwinism was always at risk, as even the
early, and true founder of evolutionism, Lamarck, realized, from its failure to
distinguish microevolution and macroevolution. The clear presence of a
macroevolutionary component to world history should give us a glimpse of how
evolution really works. The result is an elegant portrait of ‘(eonic) evolution’
as the interplay of two levels, macro-action
and micro-action.
With the discovery of the basic or core eonic effect we are
in essence done, we have shown the existence of a form of non-random evolution.
But the implications of what we have found require an expansion of the scale of
observation applied to the emergence of civilization. The text proceeds to the
construction of two general outlines of world history using periodization, in
Chapter Three and Chapters Five and Six, concluding with the modern transition.
On the way, Chapter Four examines the eonic model in light of the philosophy of
history, showing the connection to a classic essay on history by Kant.
We can construct a simple model of the eonic data by first
demonstrating the connection between history and evolution, and then showing how
two levels are at work in the driving action of an ‘eonic sequence’. Although
the eonic effect is the model, so to speak,
as a descriptive device of periodization, the terms of description themselves
are historically embedded, and we consider the notion of an eonic observer, many
of whose observations are seen through the filter of the eonic effect itself.
This paradox must haunt the scientist as he becomes himself an eonic observer,
and agent, in the realization that science itself is the product of eonic
evolution.
We then adjoin, on the sidelines, a falsifiable frequency
hypothesis to both illuminate and
possibly extend our eonic pattern into the Neolithic. Once we have our basic,
descriptive, model we then recast it as an ‘idea for a universal history
’ and this to a rubric of the ‘evolution
of freedom’. In the process the curious
history of the birth of democracy, as an aspect of the so-called ‘discrete
freedom sequence’, shows us something spectacular, a hidden structure to world
history that we could not have suspected. As we proceed we discover first the
clear pattern of historical directionality, as evidence of a teleological wild
card lurking in our data.
To handle this unexpected realization we proceed both to an
examination of Kantian thinking on the complexities of teleological thinking,
and to a critique and correction of a basic confusion or ambiguity in Kant’s
philosophy of history centering on the impostor he refers to as ‘asocial
sociability’. Kant was righter than he knew, yet miscasts his historical
thinking as a metaphysical theory of social conflict. We claim that Kant’s
ambivalence here was a sign that he was not proposing a solution but asking a
question, one that only the coming future of archaeological research could
answer. Sure enough, as we pull away from the modern transition, and a picture
of the emergence of civilization crystallizes, we inherit for the first time a
unique data set, five thousand years in length, the first such evolutionary
record at the level of centuries, and this must force us to revise our views of
history. The early intuitions seen in the Old Testament, to which we now must
turn, are thus suddenly seen in a new light, and can be recast as an
anticipation of our eonic analysis, available to us only in the passage of a
greater time, whose ampler chronicle detects the spectacle of an unseen
universal history of man, the once and future evolution of man, past, present,
and future.
Introduction
[i]
Karl Popper, The Poverty of
Historicism, (New York: Routledge, 1991).
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